6 things to know about the India-Afghanistan relationship | Business Standard News
While the two sides bitterly fought for the cup, relations between the two India's exports to Afghanistan in stood at $ million. The role of India in building good relationship vis-à-vis Afghanistan is conditioned by the role of Super power – US and its relationship with Pakistan and how. As India and Afghanistan go to the polls, William Dalrymple reflects on the 11 April economy and its super-rich business magnates, while Afghanistan is widely The relationship between religion and politics will play its part in both .
Breathless, she said she had just heard that two of the Indian guest houses, the Park and the Hamid, were under attack by militants.
India - Afghanistan Relations: | Sathyanarayanan D - hair-restore.info
As the only woman on her team, Mitali had been staying in separate lodgings about two miles away from the rest of her colleagues, who were all in the Hamid. Within seconds, Mitali was pulling on her clothes, along with the hijab she was required to wear, and running, alone and unarmed, through the empty morning streets of Kabul toward the Hamid.
As she dashed past the Indian Embassy, Mitali was recognized by one of the guards from diplomatic security who shouted to her to stop. The area around the guest houses was mayhem, he told her.
She should not go on alone. She must return immediately to her lodgings and stay there. When she passed the presidential compound, she was stopped again, this time at gunpoint, by an Afghan army security check post. Five minutes later she had charmed one of the guards into giving her a lift in his jeep.
Soon they could hear bursts of automatic weapons, single shots from rifles and loud grenade blasts. Site of the militants' attack on Indian guest houses in Kabul February 26, At least 18 people were killed and 36 wounded in the Taliban-affiliated attacks in Kabul. It was first light, but because of all the dust and smoke, visibility was very low and it was difficult to see anything.
The front portion of the guesthouse was completely destroyed—there was just a huge crater. Everything had been reduced to rubble. A car bomb had rammed the front gate and leveled the front of the compound. Three militants then appeared and began firing at anyone still alive. Here the walls were standing but it was open to the sky—the blast had completely removed the roof, which was lying in chunks all over the floor.
There was cross-firing going on all around me, and the militants were throwing Chinese incendiary grenades. Afghan troops had taken up positions at the top of the Park Residence across the road and were firing back. I searched through the debris and before long started pulling out bodies. A man loomed out of the gloom and I shouted to him to identify himself.
Together we managed to get several injured people out of the rubble and into safety. We later learned that Major Jyotin Singh had tackled a suicide bomber, and by holding him from behind had prevented him entering the Park Residence. The bomber was forced to blow himself up outside. Jyotin had saved the lives of all the medical team inside. Among the dead found beneath the debris was the assistant consul general from the new Indian consulate in Kandahar.
The Pakistanis believed RAW was funding, arming and encouraging the insurgency in Baluchistan, the province that has been waging a separatist struggle ever since it was incorporated into the new nation of Pakistan in Pakistan made no public comment on the attack, other than to refuse permission for the planes carrying the dead bodies back to India to cross its airspace.
It was not difficult to figure out the motive for the attack. The operation was soon traced by both Afghan and U. Afghan protesters set fire to a Pakistan flag during a demonstration against recent border clashes between Afghanistan and Pakistan, in Kunar province, May 14, But it was not the only such act. In fact it was the third in less than three years. Fifteen months before, on October 8,a massive car bomb had been set off outside the Indian embassy in Kabul killing 17 people and wounding Most of the dead were ordinary Afghans caught walking near the target.
A few Indian security personnel were wounded, but blast walls built following a much deadlier bombing the previous year which killed 40 and wounded more than —also thought to have been sponsored by Pakistan—deflected the force of the explosion, so that physical damage to the embassy was limited to some of the doors and windows being blown out. In the case of the attack, American officials went public with details from phone intercepts which they said revealed the involvement of the ISI.
The hostility between India and Pakistan lies at the heart of the current war in Afghanistan.
Brookings Afghanistan Index The hostility between India and Pakistan lies at the heart of the current war in Afghanistan. Most observers in the West view the Afghanistan conflict as a battle between the U. In reality this has long since ceased to be the case.
Instead our troops are now caught up in a complex war shaped by two pre-existing and overlapping conflicts: Although Karzai himself is a Pashtun, many of his fellow tribesmen view his presence as mere window-dressing for a U. The Pashtuns had held sway in Afghan politics ever since the state assumed its current boundaries in the s. By aligning with the Tajiks of the northern provinces against the Pashtuns of the south, the U.
To this day, because the Pashtuns feel dominated by their ancestral enemies, many support or at least feel some residual sympathies for the Taliban. There is also an age-old Pashtun-on-Pashtun element to the conflict. Beyond this indigenous conflict looms the much more dangerous hostility between the two regional powers—both armed with nuclear weapons: Their rivalry is particularly flammable as they vie for influence over Afghanistan.
Compared to that prolonged and deadly contest, the U. REUTERS Since the Partition of the Subcontinent inIndia and Pakistan have fought three wars—the most recent in —and they seemed on the verge of going nuclear against each other during a crisis inwhen Pakistani troops crossed a ceasefire line and occupied square miles of Indian Kashmir, including a Himalayan border post near the town of Kargil.
As tensions rose, the Pakistanis took ominous steps with their nuclear arsenal. President Bill Clinton mediated a solution. That concession cost Nawaz his job and, very nearly, his life. The army commander, Pervez Musharraf, mounted a coup and sentenced Nawaz to death. Clinton intervened and Nawaz was exiled to Saudi Arabia. It is easy to understand why Pakistan might feel insecure. In the eyes of the world, never has the contrast between the two countries appeared so stark as it is now: The battle was the last major engagement fought on the eastern front of the third war between India and Pakistan.
In this photo, Indian soldiers walk past a destroyed Indian tank. That conflict ended with East Pakistan, which had risen up against West Pakistan, becoming the independent state of Bangladesh. The porous border offers a route by which Pakistani leaders, troops and other assets, including its nuclear weapons, could retreat to the northwest in the case of an Indian invasion.
For the idea to work, it is essential that the Afghan government be a close ally of Pakistan, and willing to help fight India. When the Taliban were in power, they were seen as the perfect partner for the Pakistani military. Although widely viewed in the West as medieval if not barbaric, the Taliban regime was valued in Pakistan as fiercely anti-India and therefore deserving Pakistani arms and assistance.
An ethnic Pashtun, he is a member of the Popalzai tribe. He has lived, worked and studied in both India and Pakistan. His second presidential term ends inand he has said that he will step aside. After the Taliban were ousted by the U. The president of post-Taliban Afghanistan, Hamid Karzai, hated Pakistan with a passion, in part because he believed that the ISI had helped assassinate his father in At the same time he felt a strong emotional bond with India, where he had gone to university in the Himalayan city of Simla, once the summer capital of British India.
When I interviewed Karzai in Kabul in early March, he spoke warmly of his days in Simla, calling them some of the happiest of his life, and he was moved almost to tears as he recalled the sound of monsoon rain hitting the tin roof of his student lodgings and the sight of the beautiful cloud formations drifting before his windows.
He also expressed his love of Indian food and even admitted to liking Bollywood films. For the Pakistani military, the existential threat posed by India has taken precedence over all other geopolitical and economic goals. According to Indian diplomatic sources, there are actually fewer than 3, Indians in Afghanistan, almost all of them businessmen and contract workers in the agriculture, telecommunications, manufacturing and mining sectors. There are only 10 Indian diplomatic officers, compared to nearly in the UK embassy and 1, in the U.
For much of the last decade the ISI has sought to restore the Taliban to power so that it can oust Karzai and his Indian friends. In a nation whose government has often been run by the military, and whose foreign policy has been seen as carried out by the ISI, General Kayani has held the leadership of both institutions.
Currently chief of staff of the army, a position he has held sinceKayani reversed Musharraf's policy of staffing military officers in the government's civilian posts. Forbes magazine ranked him the 28th most powerful person in the world in This strategy goes back over 30 years. Since the early s, the ISI has consciously and consistently funded and incubated a variety of Islamic extremist groups.
Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid calculates that there are currently more than 40 such extremist groups operating in Pakistan, most of whom have strong links with the ISI as well as the local Islamic political parties.
Pakistani generals have long viewed the jihadis as a cost-effective and easily-deniable means of controlling events in Afghanistan—something they briefly achieved with the Taliban capture of Kabul in By the same means, the Pakistanis have kept much of the Indian army bogged down in Kashmir ever since the separatist insurgency broke out in The generals like using jihadis because they help foster a sense of nationalism based on the twin prongs of hatred for India and the bonding power of Islamic identity.
There are clearly those in the army who are now alarmed at the amount of sectarian and political violence the jihadis have brought to Pakistan. But that view is contested by some in both the army and the ISI who continue to believe that the jihadis are a more practical defense against Indian hegemony than even nuclear weapons. For them, support for carefully chosen jihadis in Afghanistan is a vital survival strategy well worth the risk.
General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani, the commander-in-chief of the Pakistani army, was once in this camp. Brookings President Strobe Talbott interviews the author about the contest for power and influence in one of the world's most dangerous regions. As I was told by a senior British diplomat in Islamabad, "At the moment, Afghanistan is all [Kayani] thinks about and all he wants to talk about. Moslems waiting to leave for Pakistan as they seek protected transport to Dot Purana Qila, an ancient fort in Pakistan, where many refugees had gathered.
Getty Images Partition in India. As the British walked away from their Indian Empire in the aftermath of the Second World War, they divided up their former colony between Hindu-majority India and overwhelmingly Muslim Pakistan.
It was in that context that Kashmir became a thorn in the side of both countries. The fate of what had been, under the Raj, the princely state of Kashmir, became an anomaly of Partition.
With its large Muslim majority, Kashmir was an obvious candidate to join Pakistan. Along the way they looted and killed and, among other atrocities, raped and murdered several European nuns they found in a hospital and a convent. With covert British assistance in the form of an airlift involving British transport planes, Indian troops eventually drove back the Pashtun tribesmen.
By the terms of a ceasefire signed on January 1,Kashmir was effectively divided between India and Pakistan.
The two countries would go on to fight another war over Kashmir inand it has remained a cause of conflict ever since. Teresita Schaffer, nonresident senior fellow at Brookings, speaks to Afghanistan's central role in a range of South Asian challenges for the U. It was not just India that got off to a bad start with the new nation of Pakistan. Afghanistan alone opposed Pakistani membership in the UN in As with India, borders and territory were in dispute.
Afghan leaders had never accepted the Durand line that the British drew in and, after Partition, Afghanistan was not about to recognize that line as its border with Pakistan.
The Afghan king, Zahir Shah, was especially keen to regain Peshawar, in a valley at the eastern end of the Khyber Pass, which had once been the summer capital of the Afghan empire. It had been in British hands sinceand was now to become part of Pakistan.
To this day most Afghans look on Peshawar as a lost Afghan city. Lord Mountbatten center, hands on tablethe British viceroy of India, meets with various leaders to devise a plan to partition India into two nations. Jawaharlal Nehru sits to his right, and M. Jinnah to his left. In the years that followed, India and Afghanistan both attempted to destabilize Pakistan, giving aid and shelter to discontented Pashtun and Baluchi nationalists.
A deadly triangle: Afghanistan, Pakistan and India
In Pakistan and Afghanistan went so far as to close their borders and break off diplomatic relations with each other. It was only the pressure of growing Soviet influence in Afghanistan in the s that forced the Afghan government to improve its relations with Pakistan. President Daoud Khan reached out to Pakistan in as a counter-balance to the Soviets, and began talks with Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto with a view to settling their border disputes.
In Aprilhowever, Daoud was overthrown in a Soviet-backed leftist coup, after which India was able to regain its pre-eminent place in Kabul. Throughout the s India expanded its influence in Afghanistan, contributing to an ambitious series of development projects—building manufacturing plants and hydroelectric facilities, as well as supervising numerous irrigation initiatives. This position has found support in recent leaks of classified information by WikiLeaks. This visit further strengthened bilateral relations, and Prime Minister Singh pledged further aid for Afghanistan.
The attack killed at least 17 people. The September assassination of former Afghan president Burhanuddin Rabbani was condemned by India, which stated that, "Tragically, the forces of terror and hatred have silenced yet another powerful voice of reason and peace in Afghanistan. We unreservedly condemn this act of great brutality," and reiterated the steadfast support of the people and government of India in Afghanistan's "quest for peace and efforts to strengthen the roots of democracy".
This strategic partnership is to support Afghanistan. The agreement we signed with our friend will not affect our brother. The attack will not dilute India's development assistance and its contribution to rehabilitation and reconstruction of Afghanistan," India's ambassador to Kabul Amar Sinha said at the time.
Modi said "It will stand as an enduring symbol of the ties of emotions and values, of affection and aspirations that bind us in a special relationship". President Ghani tweeted "Though, India and Afghanistan need no introduction, we are bound by a thousand ties… We have stood by each other in the best and worst of times".
Water from the dam will also serve irrigation purposes. The dam is expected to help Afghanistan capitalize on opportunities that will open up once the India backed Chabahar project, linking the port in Iran to Central Asia's road and railway networks, is completed. Especially, it wants to improve transport connectivity and economic collaboration with countries in Central and South Asia.
More such projects are likely to come up after Nato's withdrawal. Besides producing 42 MW power, this Indo-Afghan friendship dam provides irrigation for 75, hectares of farmland in the Chisti Sharif district. India and Iran are set to ink a transit agreement on transporting goods to landlocked Afghanistan.
This building was inaugurated on 25 December The Afghan cabinet renamed the Salma Dam to the Afghan-India Friendship Dam in a move to strengthen relations between the two countries. The hydroelectric plant produces 42 MW of power in addition to providing irrigation for 75, hectares of farmland stabilising the existing irrigation of 35, hectares and development of irrigation facilities to an additional 40, hectares of land.